Balochi Music

Legend Balochi Singer Nako Faizuk

The Balochi tribe is one of the oldest Iranian tribes whose music is influenced by Indian melodies because of being close to India. Of musical instruments in Balochistan one may refer to Tanburak (small guitar), Setar (three stringed guitar), Qalam, a flute with five or seven sections, the pitcher, the oboe, ordinary and small kettledrum, the tambourine and roebuck or Hijdah (eighteen) Tar.



Of melodies popular among the Balochi tribesmen which are sung for a mother who has given birth to a baby, one might refer to Sepad, Vazbad, Shabtagi, Liloo or Looli (Balochi lullaby) as well as songs for separation, complaining about hard times, Zayirak (derived from the world Zahir and meaning longing and sadness) which is the most melancholy Balochi music accompanied by the flute, Gheichak (small scissors) and banjo.



That music which we hear nowadays in Balochistan differs with genuine Balochi music because of many reasons. One of these reasons is the big distance between Balochistan and the capital and lack of attention by former regimes to the impoverished and far flung region. Another reason is that Balochistan neighbors Pakistan and is influenced by Pakistani Balochi music as well as Indian music.

From ancient times this region has had close commercial and cultural ties with India. The Indian influence was also due to the fact that Balochistan was too distant from the central governments in Iran and was ignored by these governments. By exploring the root of such influence we will come across geographical and historical facts. Aside from dynasties such as the Sogdians whose seat of government was in Sistan and Balochistan during the second century A.D., lack of roads and communication with interior parts in the country where Iranian culture prevailed, was another reason that physically and spiritually exposed Balochi music to Indian culture.

Although the Balochi tribesmen are strictly religious and fanatic, the musicians are treated as confidantes and intimates and they are permitted to play in private parties where women are also present. However, Balochi women do not play musical instruments and only sing songs mostly in groups and behind the curtain and where their voice cannot reach male ears. One can rarely find a woman in Balochistan to be a professional singer in wedding, birthday, circumcision and other festive parties. The musical instruments through which the Balochi singer pours outs his/her restless and deep sentiments, are genuine instruments such as Tanburak (the small guitar), Setar (three stringed guitar), Qalam (a flute divided into five or six sections), the pitcher, the oboe, ordinary and small kettledrum, the tambourine and roebuck or Hijdah (eighteen) Tar.

Another native musical instrument in Balochistan province is banjo on which many changes have been made and it has been converted into a native instrument in the Sind Province in Pakistan. Eighty percent of the population in Sind Province are composed of various Balochi tribesmen. The most famous banjo player in Sind was the late Lavarborji who had descended from Dashtiari Balochi sect in the Iranian Balochistan. The next native instrument in Balochistan is Dongi (whose Pakistani name in Sind Province is different). Dongi includes a pair of male and female flutes. The best Dongi players in Balochistan who had universal fame came from the Siri tribe and were called Mesri Khan Jamali and Khabir Khan Jamali.

Banjo and Dongi are so intermingled with other Balochi instruments that have become naturalized in Balochistan. The preservation of tribal traditions such as Sepak, Shabatagi, Liloo, Sote, Liko, Laloo, etc. which are accompanied by music, has helped this remote Iranian province to retain samples of genuine Balochi music. Moreover, one can find singers and musicians in Balochistan who are devoted to their traditional music. The singers and musicians who have inherited the art from their ancestors from generations to generations are called Pahlevans. "Pahlevan" is a combination of "Pahloo" and "Van". Pahloo is derived from Pahlavi language and means brave and powerful. "Van" means a singer. Meanwhile in the Balochi language "Vang" also means singing. Therefore, "Pahlevan" means one who shows bravery and chivalry.



Here we will briefly refer to several examples of genuine Balochi music which is now popular in Balochistan. Sepad which means praise are a series of melodies which are sung after the birth of a child. Such songs continue for 14 nights while the mother prepares herself to wash her body. Sepad is sung only by women and by groups and is aimed to help the mother to forget the pains that she has suffered during child delivery. In these songs they mostly praise God, the Prophet (peace be upon him) and the elders of the religion and wish health and happiness for the mother and the newborn. Vazbad also means laudation and are a group of songs which are sung by either a single lady or a group of ladies and responded by another group. Such melodies which continue for about 14 nights at the newborn's house, praise God and the Prophet for bestowing a child to the woman.



Shabtagi is another rite in Balochistan. When a baby is born the lady's relatives, neighbors and friends assemble in her house in the evenings and at times stay all the night and pray for the health of the mother and the baby. They congratulate the relatives for the newborn and sing poems in a soft tune accompanied by the oboe and tambourine. These poems and songs are known as Shabtagi which means to remain awake in the night. The majority of Shabtagi melodies are in praise of God, the Prophet, the Prophet's companions and elders of religion in which they congratulate the mother and the father and wish health and a brilliant future for the newborn.



During such rites they officially sing the Azan (Muslim call for prayer) into the baby's ear which means that the newborn is a Muslim. Shabtagi songs help the mother to forget her labor and refreshes her spirit and bestows strength to her body. Moreover, the Balochi tribesmen believe that evil souls and evil wishers await in ambuscade to attack and harm the mother and the newborn by talisman and by magic spells. For example they believe that Jatooq who is a devil and sorcerer will devour the child's heart and liver. Jatooq is believed to be an evil and cunning woman who longs for her newborn which she lost during delivery. She envies the others' children and harms such women. The Balochi women believe that Jatooq's evil spirit secretly devours the baby's heart and liver and for that reason they must not let the mother and the new born remain alone for a minimum of three days and nights. As a result they assemble beside the mother and the child and recite the Quran.



Shabtagi extend from 6 nights to 14 nights at times to even 40 nights according to the family's financial condition. Loola is another song which is sung during festive occasions such as wedding parties and has different meanings. But Laloo shesghani is specially dedicated to the sixth day of the baby's birth. In this song the singer appeals to Almighty God, the Prophet and His blessed family for a happy life for the new born. For example if the baby is a boy, they wish him to be brave, true to his promise, a good swordsman, truthful, kind, hospitable and pious, obedient to elders and other good qualities which is admired in the Balochi culture. But if the newborn is a daughter, they pray her to be chaste, faithful, a good housewife, truthful, hospitable, kind to her husband, brother and sisters and faithful to Balochi culture. The christening and circumcision is often performed on the sixth night of childbirth and during that night female guests are entertained by food, perfume, and oil.



Liloo or Looli is in fact lullaby which the mother sings to put the child to sleep. Zayirak is the most melancholy melody among the Balochis which complains of separation, from unkind darling or miseries of life. Zayirak or Zayirik is accompanied by doleful melodies and the music is played only by Qalam or flute. However, nowadays Zayirak is played with banjo as well. This is a long, monotonous and doleful music which is played with drum and the notes are repeated with slight difference. Zayirak is divided into various branches among which the most famous ones are Ashrafdor Zayirak, Janoozami Zayirak and Zamerani Zayirak. When you hear Zayirak it seems that you are sitting at a melancholy coast listening to the repeated sad notes of the flute with the Gheichak. This resembles the sea waves which start with violence at first but as they approach the coast the tempest subsides and at last the ripples find peace at the seashore.



The music starts with a shrill tune, rises to its peak, then gradually subsidies and grows silent. Then after a short pause, again the flutes wail shrilly, and the episode is repeated again and again. Zayirak is sung with or without musical instruments and is sung for the absence of close relatives, such as father, mother, brother, sister, daughter, son, wife, a mistress and even for absence from one's homeland. Zayirak is derived from Zahir which according to the Dehkhoda Encyclopedia means remembrance, sadness and a wish to meet the beloved one. Zahir also means melancholy and dejected. Formerly Zayirak was sung by women during their daily chores specially when they gathered near the mill to grind their wheat into flour. At those times the melody was sung alternately by two groups of women. Such a method of singing is no more observed these days. Nowadays Zayirak is only sung by men by flute, Gheichak and banjo.

Baloch Culture Part 2

Shahi Darbar


When the British Government took over the area completely they exploited the occasion for their political motives. They gave it a proper shapes, in order to attract greater attention of the people of different areas. The first British agent of the Governor General and Chief Commissioner in Balochistan, Captain Sir Robert Sandeman introduced the Shahi Darbar during the year 1882 held on the occasion of the Horse and Cattle Show. They used to grant Sanads, Khil'ats and other awards in the Shahi Darbar. Contented with the settled life, most of Sardars used to express their loyalties on this occasion.

The significance of the occasion can not be denied. Now it is at times small assembly of people to come together, sit together and discuss together their problems and find out ways and means to solve them. The system was reformed with the advent of independence and the people started, hinking in different terms The name of the Shahi Darbar was, therefore, changed to the Shahi Jirga, ultimately the word of "shah" was done away with and it was named as Divisional Jirga. Its importance could be well realised from the fact that since inception of Pakistan. The Heads of the State, the Prime Minister and other dignitaries have graced the occasion by attending this function. They included Father of the Nation, Ouaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who visited Sibi in his capacity as the first governor-general.

Now councillors' convention is arranged on the occasion, which is attended by the government officials notables and people's representatives. The tribal Sardars attend the Jirga in their traditional robes consisting mostly of very loose shirts. Showers and 'Patches' all in white, and locally made chapels.The Chief Executive of the Province gives a resume of the Governmental activities in different fields.

The Annual Sibi Week has now taken shape of more or less of a national festival. It begins with the Horse and Cattle show in which almost all domestic animals of the area. Specially horses and cattle take part. The Show plays an important part in improving economy of the people of the area; they make transactions to the tune of lakhs of rupees on this occasion. Besides Horse and Cattle Show, a number of items have been added in order to make the week more attractive.



Cultural Anthropology of Baluchis in Iran Summary: The Baluchis are the ancient genuine Iranians who have their exclusive and special celebrations and feats.



Pir Mohammad Mulla Zehi who is an expert in the Baluchi culture has studied selected examples of such ceremonies and has classified them into two categories of cooperation and feats.



Beggari, Hashar, Bagi, Divan, Mayar, Karch-va-Kapon, Patardeyag, Mangir and Sepat are among the said ceremonies that are discussed in the following article.



Text: For a curious visitor who arrives in Baluchistan, the first interesting issue that attracts the attention most is the way Baluchis are dressed up. Baluchi people have preserved their way of clothing with a slight change.



Men wear long shirts, loose pants and a turban around their heads while women put on loose dress and pants with needle works that are special of the people of the area and is not common in other parts of the country. The upper part of the dress and sleeves are decorated with needle works, an artistic work that is specific of the clothing of the women Baluchis. They cover their hair with a scarf that is called `Sarig' in the local dialect and wear `chador' over it.



Baluchi women usually put on gold ornaments such as necklace and bracelet but their special jewelry is `Dorr' or heavy earrings that are fastened to the head with gold chains so that their heavy weight will not cause the tearing of the ear. They usually wear a gold brooch called `Tasni' that are made by local jewelers in various shapes and are used to fasten the two parts of the dress over the chest.



Apart from the dressing style of the Baluchis, there are interesting points in the way they live and in their traditions and customs that this article tries to illustrate in parts. Indigenous and local traditions and customs were of greater importance to the Baluchis in the past as apparently up to about half a century ago when the central government established its control over Baluchistan, local governments of the chieftains were imposed as the individual dictatorships. Therefore, it can be concluded that there were no formulated laws and regulations in order to regulate social behaviors. Only the rules of the religion were valid and practicable. Under such circumstances, traditions and customs in fact filled the vacuum caused by the absence of laws which were used in the regulation of many social relations and therefore enjoyed special credit among the Baluchi tribal people.



Abdul ghaffar Nadim in his book `Gashin' that is written in Baluchi language says: "The Baluchi folklore is being inspired by the Baluchi way of life and, therefore, could have addressed many needs of the tribal people who were forced to settle their disputes on the basis of their traditions and customs in the absence of a powerful central government."



Here, it is only enough to review the Baluchi traditions within the two categories of cooperation and feasts:



A. COOPERATION



1. Beggari or Bejaari: This is a custom specific of the time when the Baluchi youth reaches the age of marriage but apparently his family cannot afford the marriage expenses due to their economic condition. Under such circumstances, the youth would go to his relatives and friends and would discuss with them his decision about marriage and would ask for their `Beggari', or in other words, their contribution.



Such a tradition is so strongly respected that even the poorest member of the family cannot remain indifferent towards such a demand and feels obliged to pay a certain amount of money in cash or offer material aid. Lack of participation in such a benevolent affair will cause humiliation and disgrace for the Baluch who would be rejected in the Baluchi community. Therefore, although Beggari is a voluntary contribution, however, a social compulsion can be traced in it somehow. Even in the case of those who have no children and cannot benefit from the advantages of Beggari in future, participation in this benevolent act guarantees further social credit. As a result of this, marriage is being made more easily among Baluchis as the community is meeting the cost.



2. Hashar: This is a custom that is applied when an individual cannot perform a task alone and needs help of the others. As working for money is not customary among Baluchis, those who need help would go to their relatives and friends and would inform them of their decision to do a special job on a specific day and for that purpose they need a certain number of work force. Under such circumstances, as many volunteers may join the collective work without being paid.



If the work is accomplished within a day, the only thing that the employer has to do is to prepare lunch and dinner for the workers by usually slaughtering a sheep for making the required food. If the work takes longer, more preparations will be made and new volunteers will substitute the previous ones. However, there would be enough volunteers to complete the work through collective cooperation, as it is not customary to give a negative response to the call for contribution.



Such a habit is mostly customary in rural areas where people are mainly engaged in agriculture where Hashar is being practiced in various stages of the work from cultivation to harvest. It is also widely practiced in building rural houses and bridges and in collecting dates. Such a habit is still practiced given its positive social effects despite the fact that working for money is gradually established among the Baluchis.



3. Bagi: This habit was widely practiced in the past while these days it is losing importance in areas going through the trend of urbanization. In the practice of such a habit, people are used to cook extra food and would distribute it among needy people in their neighborhood. Those who were well off and could have better nutrition would carefully observe this. The positive social impact of such a tradition has removed the negative feeling of humiliation as receiving Bagi is not tantamount to receiving donations but rather is some sort of contribution among neighbors and is not limited to a specific person or a specific family. Bagi is not merely confined to foodstuffs but is performed in a wider dimension that forges greater convergence among neighbors and minimizes probable disputes. At the meantime, it helps fair distribution of limited facilities.



4. Divan: Among Baluchi people, settlement of disputes in their everyday life is of great importance. In order to solve problems, people would gather in a place and while studying various aspects of disputes, they try to find the best possible solution in an effort to secure satisfaction of the parties involved. The place in the local dialect is called `Divan' and is normally a house that belongs to the eldest member of the community.



Of course Divan is not merely exclusive for the settlement of disputes but is also used for exchange of information and consultations for the coordination of affairs. However, the significance of Divan at the time of the settlement of disputes lies in the fact that although decision-making at Divan is not legally valid, however, it is applicable and is rarely ignored by the parties to the dispute. The reason is that presence of the gathering at the place is to some extent the executive and moral guarantee for the parties to the dispute and if one party for any reason ignores the agreement reached at Divan, in fact it would damage its own social credibility. If Divan fails to settle the dispute, the case will be solved on the basis of the rules of the religion.



The two parties to the dispute will be brought to the clergy in the area who will judge between the two. The religious ruling will be usually issued at the mosque in order to secure a stronger guarantee for its application. But, this is not necessarily essential as the ruling can be also issue in Divan or at any other places.



The habit of Divan is being gradually forgotten in both rural and urban areas but it is still being enforced among tribal Baluchis. Laws in fact have substituted Divan and the elderly people are still settling regulations in rural and urban areas but not completely as in primary stages attempts are made to resolve the disputes through local traditions and at the Divans of the elderly.



5. Mayar: The habit is inspired by a social reality and need for the support of the oppressed against the oppressor. When a powerful individual is oppressing a powerless person for any reason, the former can seek help from a stronger person who has enough power to defend his right. Given the undertakings that the host feels towards the person who seeks help as `Mayar', he is free either to accept the demand or deny it.



But, as soon as he accepts, the social tradition puts the responsibility of the Mayar's defense on the shoulder of the host. Of course, the importance of the habit becomes further evident when the person who seeks help is not guilty and whose rights have been trampled upon. However, when the person seeks help according to the tradition of Mayar, he becomes a member of the family and tribe of the host and can enjoy his support until his problem is solved.



Sometimes the situation will remain unchanged forever and the person who seeks help will remain in the new condition. Therefore, it will become part of the responsibility of the host to find a job for the person who seeks help and puts enough capital at his disposal. This will help enable the powerless people to defend themselves against the oppressors.



6. Karch-va-Kapon: This tradition is practiced when a person for any reason kills someone else, either intentionally or unintentionally. Under such circumstances an unreasonable feeling of revenge will afflict the Baluchi tribes to the extent that no matter to what tribe the murderer belonged, if he is out of reach, a member of his family or one of his relatives can be killed in his place or, in other words, take revenge.



Under these circumstances many innocent people will become victim of such a revenge merely for belonging to a certain family or tribe. At this moment, in an effort to prevent further bloodshed, the elderly members of the family resort to the custom of `shroud and knife.' They send the murderer together with a knife and a piece of white cloth to the family of the person who has been killed and they are free either to punish him or forgive him. However, punishment of the murderer is not a proven act from social and scientific points of view while forgiveness is the manifestation of generosity.



For this reason, the murderer will be forgiven and returned to his family. Sometimes it may happen that in order to remove all the hostilities and misunderstandings, the two families prepare marriages as a means to put aside differences. Of course, sometimes ransom would be demanded. In that case the family of the murderer or the tribe to which he belongs will pay the money. Although prosecution of the murderer falls within the authority of the law, however, there are still evidences indicating that tribal people are willing to safeguard the tradition of `shroud and knife'.



7. Patardeyag: This habit is practiced when there is a quarrel between two or more members of a tribe. The side that is guilty of fomenting the quarrel accepts to apologize but not verbally rather through a mediator who is usually an elderly of the tribe. No matter how deep the difference, the other party usually accepts the apology, as its rejection will cause criticism of others.



Following the acceptance of the apology, the side that had fomented the quarrel will invite the other party to a dinner party through the mediator and a sheep is slaughtered on the occasion. There is no need for verbal apology and normally no word would be said about issues causing the dispute. Holding the Patardeyag ceremony implies acceptance of the apology and removal of all differences.



B. FEATS



1. Mangir: The important Baluchi traditions are mainly in connection with their ceremonies and feats. The marriage ceremony stands prominently among such festivities as it goes through different stages starting from engagement to the wedding ceremony. Public participation in the wedding ceremony is normal as in other parts of the country but with slight differences. But there is one exclusive difference in the Baluchi wedding ceremony and that is the Mangir ceremony. It seems that the ceremony is a habit acquired by the Baluchi tribes from other people such as African slaves who have been probably brought from Africa to Baluchistan. Mangir is the ceremony for the simultaneous mass marriage of several couples for various reasons, notably economic considerations. What further supports the idea is the holding of mass wedding ceremony among lower class people of the society. This would not only reduce the costs but would also economize in time as in the past wedding ceremonies used to last for seven days.





2. Sepat: Festivities that are held in Baluchistan at the time of the birth of new babies are called Sepat. Some parts of the ceremonies are influenced by superstitious presumptions believing that both the baby and the mother are threatened by a genie called Aal as it awaits the opportunity to seize and swallow the liver of the baby and the mother. Therefore, in order to prevent such a happening the relatives of the mother and the baby stay awake for several nights and pray to God and seek His help in order to protect the mother and the baby against the genie. However, there are good and bad habits among the Baluchi tribes that demand more research works and studies. The Baluchis are known for their cultural specifications such as hospitality, faithfulness, and moral commitment as well as deep-rooted religious beliefs and attachment to their homeland.

CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS



In Baloch society an offence against the individual such as theft or robbery was a corporate against the entire tribe. Any contravention was punished according to the nature of the crime committed. But if the offence was committed outside the tribe, it was considered an offence against that tribe. The individual acts consequently would become the responsibility of the tribes concerned. His family and the entire people suffered. The opposing tribesmen could revenge the guilt in an appropriate manner, not necessarily against that particular individual but against any person belonging to the tribe of the offender.



Sentence for misdemeanor was the payment of appropriate fine or compensating the loss of property in case of theft or robbery. Sometimes robbery was also punished with death. Punishment of corporate crime was outlawry of person, that is, disowning the individual and declaring him isolated from the tribe. This was one of the major punishments and rarely awarded. In that case he was also banished from the area.



There is least evidence of awarding punishment of dore kassag, tearing to pieces by horses; pahao, hanging, which was awarded to traitors and the enemy agents. These forms of punishment nevertheless were clearly a later addition and not the original Baloch practices. Beheading was the common mode of inflicting the sentence. There is, however, no evidence of any permanent hangman or jallad among the Baloch for the purposes of executing criminals. In Kalat State, there was no permanent post of a hangman. Death sentence, however, was always awarded in public.



There is no evidence of punishment of death by drowning, throwing from rock, burning or burying alive, pouring molten lead on the criminal, starvation in the dungeons, tearing to death by red hot pincers, cutting asunder and stoning to death, or the Persian and Mughal practices of blinding and maiming. Most of these forms of punishment were prevalent in Semitic societies and sanctioned by Mosaic Law , (Jews used these forms of punishments against the conquered peoples in Palestine in the Biblical times), and later on crept into many cultures through Islam.



In case of murder the relatives of the deceased had the inalienable right to claim blood for blood; and this claim had the tribal code of conduct, the deceased family and the entire tribal strength behind it. The murderer could be forgiven only by the nearest kin. Among a few tribes blood compensation was given by the offender or his family. Relatives of the offender had to accept the punishment and were obliged to agree to the award if no settlement was reached. Extreme torture or dishonouring was against the tribal norms. Torture to low-castes involving serious crimes was sometimes perpetrated. The Baloch thought it more honourable to be beheaded than hanged. Other modes of capital punishment were insulating.



The only crime which could invoke death penalty or banishment besides treason was adultery. Sometimes mere suspicion of unfaithfulness by wife was sufficient to put her to death. The man would also get the same punishment. But among some tribes who were alleged to be inferior in caste, the adulterous woman was divorced and the adulterer was obliged to marry her. In case of adultery there was no need for the aggrieved husband to resort to any tribal council to get a decision. He himself inflicted the sentence. The unmarried women or widows get punishment from their near relatives.



A very peculiar cultural trait was that even the criminal or offender, if apprehended, would never tell a lie even in the face of instant punishment. This was against his sense of honour and pride. he was always truthful. This made torture to extract information or confession of guilt quite unnecessary.



Among the ancient Baloch, like other Aryan groups, trial by ordeal was perhaps in vogue. The culprit had to prove his innocence by walking through the fire or putting his hands on a hot rod. In Balochi folk stories there are numerous instances when the innocence of the offender had to be proved by putting his hands on the hot stones, tapag. This practice was perhaps discarded early in the Christian era.



In most cultures any child of less than ten years was usually considered incapable or guilt on the ground that he or she was too young to differentiate between right and wrong. The practice was completely reversed among the Baloch. The Baloch child had a penetrating sense regarding his enemies and friends. Old blood accounts sometimes were settled by persons of less than ten years. A Baloch child took part in battles. Therefore, the case of guilt or criminal responsibility for the minor was always judged according to circumstances and merit of the case. The members of the family of the minor would have to bear the responsibility of his guilt if the crime was provoked by them. The home of any Baloch elder was a safe refuge and place of protection for all the offenders of law till the decision of the dispute through the Jirga or med.



Source: http://www.balochonline.com/

Baloch Culture

Birth of a child


The occasion of the birth of either a male or a female child was marked with much music and singing. The women folk attended the mother for seven nights and sang sipatt or nazink , literally meaning songs of praise. Food and sweets were prepared and distributed. The birth of a boy was greeted with greater rejoicing than the birth of a girl. Among some tribes no ceremonies were performed on the birth of a girl, while among other tribes usual ceremonies were performed from birth to death. They included birth, sasigan (selecting name on sixth day), burruk (circumcision), padgami (child's beginning to walk) and salwar (wearing of trousers) etc.



Marriage

Marriages which generally took place after puberty were performed with ceremonies which included music, dancing and distribution of food. The girl was usually a few years junior to the boy. Marriage was arranged to a closely knit family. Expenses of food prepared on either side was borne by the bridegroom. To meet the expenses and amount of labb, bride price, relatives of the bridegroom collected bijjari, subscriptions from friends and relative. Traditionally, everyone who was asked gave according to his means. Sheeps, cows, goats or camels were also presented as bijjar. Relatives of the bride also collected bijjar called giwari on the marriage evening. The general characteristics of a wedding included negotiations by parents and other relatives. All details were agreed upon and the wedding was formalized later on. Labb was fixed before hand. Sang or harbarsindi, betrothal, was the first step. The expenses, pardach, was incurred by the bridegroom. Pardach was paid in cash and kind before by the marriage date. It also included embroidered clothes and other essential articles for the bride. Sang was almost as absolute as the marriage itself. After engagement, the parents of the girl were bound to give the hand of the lady to the person to whom she was betrothed. There was no backing-out from either side save in exceptional circumstances. Only in rare cases, could the man forego his fiancée, distar.

Sahbadal or system of exchange of girls between families without stipulations paid was also prevalent. Sometimes conditions were made that a daughter born of a marriage would be given to relations of bride's parents. However, if there was a marked difference in the ages or personal attractions of would-be-bride and bridegroom, it would then be compensated in money by either side. Betrothal in childhood among close relatives was also common.



The date of marriage was usually announced well in advance and all the relatives and friends were duly informed. In former times, the invitation for participation was sent to the entire clan which then selected the individuals for taking part in the ceremonies on their behalf. However, at a much latter stage, the invitations were sent to individuals and family heads. The persons sent for inviting the people, Lotuki, included singers and dancers who started singing and dancing before entering a village. The party would then be feasted by the village headman before their return.



A few days before the event, a kapar or a large wooden tent was built, a few yards from the home of the bridegroom. In coastal areas this temporary tent was called mangeer where more than on marriage ceremonies were performed. This was built for the occasion by the people under supervision of the village headman. All ceremonies including dancing and singing were performed there. This would also serve as a guest house for visitors from the nearby villages. Among peculiar customs, korag, was most prominent. The bridegroom was taken a few furlongs outside the settlement, as the word connotes, most probably to the riverside, in the evening, where arrangements were made for his bath and make-up. He would then mount no horseback or camel and was brought to diwanjah or mangeer amid much singing and dancing.

Another peculiar custom was that a week before the marriage, the girl was secluded from the rest of the family. Only the closest female relatives and friends could visit her. During this period she was also briefed regarding her duties and responsibilities after marriage. After sun-set the bridegroom profusely arrayed, accompanied by close friends and relatives moved to the bride's house where proper arrangements were made. Formal wedding was performed after the guests were feasted.



HAL

Hal was giving and receiving news when one chanced to meet another. It was an obligation, and always reciprocal. A person must communicate the latest happenings which may include the prices of essential goods in a nearby market or some political events o a more serious nature. This helped in conveying the latest happening in remote areas. When travelling in groups, the hal was given by the elderly person of noble birth. This was called chehabar. To reveal or receive hal was a mark of distinction.



MESTAGI

Mestagi was the reward for giving good news as birth of a son, news of the arrival of a lost relative or report of a victory in the battle. It was appropriate and according to the good news conveyed.



Diwan

The Baloch had an open society with its unique charachteristic of equality and freedom, which is now deep-rooted. Every Baloch was expected to be active member of the tribe. He took part in discussion in diwan which was open to everyone, at the house of the Sardar or the elder. Sometimes there were separate place, diwanjah, for such getherings. Social, political and economic peoblems concerning the tribe were debated in these assemblies. Diwan literally means gathering or assembly. Diwan in it formal nature was to be participated in by the elders and elected personalities. In all informal get-togethers everybody felt his presence. This spirt had made the Baloch into a close knit tribal structure based on mutual benefit and loss.

The house of the leader, or diwanjah was the place where history, legends, ballads, drama, lyrics and tales of love were told and sung. Every one wished that he could exert himself and attract others by his knowledge and manners during such discussions.



The Baloch Names and Titles

Traditionally the name of a child was chosen a few days after birth, mostly on the sixth. The child was given a name of some worthy forefather who was not alive. But at the first instance, he was given an alternate name. As the Baloch had great respect for their departed elders, they gave names to the children formally, but in the meantime alternate names were chosen because the children by those would be receiving rebukes, which was considered an insult even to those names and alway avoided.

The Baloch borrowed names from animals, trees, plants, colours and even parts of the body. Names were also derived from the name of week days.

Father's name was sometimes added to the actual name, as Chakar-e-Saihakk (Chakar son of Saihakk) or Haibitan Murad (Haibitan son of Murad). This practice most probably has crept into Baloch culture through Arabic influences at a much later stage.


Source: www.balochonline.com

Baloch Nationalism

Source: The Problem of Greater Balochistan, written by: Innayatullah Baloch




Baluch nationalism, since its birth, has faced the problem of "international" frontiers which divide the Baluch among countries - Pakistan, Iran/and Afghanistan. The genesis of the problem pre-dates the Perso-Baluch (1871 and 1895-1905), 4 Seistan (1872-1896)(and Baluch-Afghan (1895) frontiers. The demarcation of these frontiers made the problem more acute and protracted it so that^ with the rise of Baluch nationalism in 193O, the Baluch were divided between Iran, Afghanistan and what was then British India. For obvious reasons, Pakistan and Iran had a common interest in suppressing the Baluch claim of self-determination and they have adopted a joint policy for this purpose. Afghanistan did not share the Iranian and Pakistan policies but stated its own claim for Baluchistan, as part of its demand for Pushtunistan. The Baluch-Afghan line as an international border is disputed by the Afghans, who regard the frontier with Pakistan as drawn by the British and agreed to by the Afghans only under duress.



To understand the complexity of the issue involved in the division of Baluchistan, it is important to have some understanding of the historical circumstances involved. The strategic position of Baluchistan, Iran, and Afghanistan in terms of commanding the principal trade routes between South-West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia became important for Britain and Russia in the context of the geopolitical expansion of the two empires in Asia during the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. In 1854, Britain entered into a treaty with the Khan, ruler of Baluchistan, in order to defend its territories against an external invasion from Central Asia and Iran. At the same time the Iranian rulers, who had lost their northern provinces to the Russians, pursued a policy of expansion towards Baluchistan in order to compensate for the lost areas. However, in 187O,the British Government agreed to demarcate the border with the Khanate of Baluchistan. In 1871, the British Government accepted the Iranian proposal and appointed Maj. General Gold-smid as Chief Commissioner of the joint Perso-Baluch Boundary Commission, Iran was represented by Mirza Ibrahim, and the Khanate of Baluchistan was represented by Sardar Faqir Muhammad Bizenjo, the Governor of Makran, The Baluch delegate submitted a claim for Western Baluchistan and Iranians claimed most of Makran including Kohuk. After several months of negotiations, Goldsmid divided Baluchistan into two parts without taking into consideration history, geography, culture or religion, and ignoring the statements of Baluch chiefs^ho regarded themselves as subjects of the Khan. Goldsmid's decision was based on political considerations. He aimed to please Iran in order to keep Iran away from Russia.



The Kohuk dispute; Kohuk is situated on the Perso-Baluch line. In 1871, General Goldsmid assigned Kohuk to the Khanate of Baluchistan on the following bases:

1. That the chief of Kohuk stated that he considered himself a feudatory of the

Khan.

2. That the Persian Commissioner, Ibrahim, refused to investigate the merits of

the question.

The Iranian government finally agreed to the decision in a letter dated September 4, 1871, but in a separate note to Allison (the British Minister at Tehran) "on the same day requested that, on consideration, a small portion of territory, including Kohuk, Isfunda and Kunabasta, would be made over to Persia." The question was referred to the Government of British India and General Goldsmid was consulted. Goldsmid changed his view and favoured the transfer to Iran because "it would make a far more compact and better boundary for Persian than for Khelat territory." At the same time, British India did not deem it necessary to justify declaring that territories which were not legally part of it should belong to Iran. Consequently, the British Government decided to prepare an amended map and to exclude Kohuk and other villages from the Khan's territory in order to give Iran the opportunity to occupy the area. An amended note and map were then sent to Tehran. In the amended note the districts of Kohuk, Isfunda,and Kunabasta were excluded from the Khanate of Baluchistan. When the decision to exclude this area from Baluchistan was conveyed to the Khan, he protested against the amended decision. The Khan was informed that the question was not definitely settled, as in April 1873, the Iranian government had refused to accept the



note. It does not appear to have been necessary to take any further account of his objections. In the late 19th century, the Iranians practically settled the question of Kohuk by military occupation and continued their policy of expansion in pushing their claim and their raids further and further into the Khanate. In 1896 and 1905, an Anglo-Persian Joint Boundary Commission was appointed to divide Baluchistan between Iran and Britain. During the process of demarcation of the frontier, several areas of the Khanate of Baluchistan were surrendered by the British authorities, who were hoping to please the Iranian government in order to check

the Russian influence in Iran. The frontier imposed by two alien powers on the Baluch people was demarcated without the consent of Kalat. The agreement of 1896 was a clear violation of the treaties of (the agreement) 1854 and 1876, declaring the Perso-Baluch line to be the frontier of Iran and India. It is interesting to note that the border demarcated by General Gold-smid was between the independent Khanate and Iran. The agreements of 1896 and 19O5 show a clear shift in British policy towards the Khanate; it was treated now as an Indian state. Under the treaty of 19O5, the Khanate lost the territory Of Mir Jawa and in return the Iranian government agreed that this frontier should be regarded as definitely settled in accordance with the agreement of 1896 and that no further claim should be made in respect of it. In 1872, the British government appointed General Goldsmid to settle the dispute over Seistan between Iran and Afghanistan. The dispute, however, was ended with the partition of Seistan between Iran and Afghanistan without the consent of the Baluch people. Ethnically, culturally, and geographically, Seistan is part of Baluchistan. Seistan ruled by Sanjrani chiefs was the vassal of the Khanate until 1882. A secret diary prepared by the British representative at Kalat on April 2o, 1872, to the British Government of India suggests that Sardar Ibrahim Khan Sanjrani of Chakansur (Seistan) acted as a vassal of the Khanate. Sir Robert Sandeman, in the letters to Lord Curzon dated November 22, 1891 and January 12, 1892, described the western limits of the Khanate as Hassanabad Q (Irani-Seistan) and the Halmand river near Rudbar. The final demarcation of Seistan took place in 19O4 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon, but the historical right of the Khanate and the principle of the right to self-determination were ignored. Sanjrani, chief of Chakansur, refused to acknowledge the Afghan rule under Amif Abdul Rahman. Nonetheless, the Kabul policy of British India encouraged Abdul Rahman to occupy the country. Nothing is known about the reaction of Mir Khudadad Khan, the ruler of Baluchistan.



The Baluch-Afghan or MoMahon Line: This covers an area from New Chaman to the Perso-Baluch border. The boundary was demarcated by the Indo-Afghan Boundary Commission headed by Capt. (later Sir) A. Henry McMahon in 1896. The boundary runs through the Baluch country, dividing one family from another and one tribe from another. As in the demarcation of the Perso-Baluch Frontier, the Khan was not consulted by the British, making the validity of the line doubtful, because:

1. The Goldsmid Line (the southern part of the Perso-Baluch Frontier) was imposed on the Khan by the British Government in 1871.

2. In 1896, when the rest of the Perso-Baluch Frontier was demarcated, the Khan ate, an independent state, was not consulted.

3. The partition of Seistan was unjust because Seistan was autonomous and the majority of the population, which was Baluch, recognized the Khan as their suzerain. The Sanjrani chief of Chakansur (Seistan) refused to accept Afghan rule in 1882.

4. The British reports clearly suggest that the Baluch people resented the rule of Iran and desired to accept, the status of a British protectorate against Iranian rule.

5. The partition of Baluchistan took place without taking into consideration the

4 factors of geography, culture, history, and the will of the people. However, the final outcome of the boundary settlements imposed on the Baluch was:

1. Seistan and Western Makran, Sarhad, etc. became part of Iran.

2. Outer Seistan and Registan came under the control of Afghanistan.

3. Jacobabad, Derajat and Sibi were included in British India.

4. The Khanate of Baluchistan was recognized as an independent state with status of a protectorate.



Nevertheless, Baluch tribes in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century showed their hatred of the unnatural and unjust partition through their revolts against British and Persian rule. Gul Khan, a nationalist writer, wrote: "Due to the decisions of (boundary) Commissions more than half of the territory of Baluchistan came under the possession of Iran and less than half of it was given to Afghanistan. The factor for the division of a lordless Baluchistan was to please and control Iran and Afghanistan governments against Russia" in favour of Britain. In 1932, the Baluch Conference of Jacobabad voiced itself



against the Iranian occupation of Western Baluchistan. in 1933, Mir Abdul 'Aziz Kurd, a prominent national leader of Baluchistan, showed his opposition to the partition and division of Baluchistan by publishing the first map of Greater Baluchistan. In 1934, Magassi, the head of the Baluch national movement, suggested an armed struggle for the liberation and unification of Baluchistan. However, it was a difficult task because of its division into several parts, each part with a different constitutional and political status



Partition of Balochistan

"Divide And Rule" A famous quote of the Oppressors



Baluch nationalism, since its birth, has faced the problem of "International" frontiers which divide the Baluch among countries -- Pakistan, Iran, and Afghanistan. The genesis of the problem pre-dates the Perso-Baluch (1871 and 1895-1905), Seistan (1872-1896), and Baluch-Afghan (1895) frontiers. The demarcation of these frontiers made the problem more acute and protracted it so that, with the rise of Baluch nationalism in 1930, the Baluch were divided between Iran, Afghanistan, and what was the British India.



For obvious reasons, Pakistan and Iran had a common interest in suppressing the Baluch claim of self-determination and they have adopted a joint policy for this purpose. Afghanistan did not share the Iranian and the Pakistan policies but stated its own claim for Baluchistan, as part of its demand for Pushtunistan. The Baluch-Afghan line as an internaional border is disputed by the Afghans, who regard the frontier with Pakistan as drawn by the British and agreed to by the Afghans only under duress.



To understand the complexity of the issue involved in the division of Baluchistan, it is important to have some understanding of the historical circumstances involved. The strategic position of Baluchistan, Iran, and Afghanistan in terms of commanding the principal trade routes between South-West Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia became important for Britain and Russia in the context of the geopolitical expansion of the two empires in Asia during the 19th century and the begining of the 20th.



In 1854, Britain entered into a treaty with the Khan, ruler of Baluchistan, in order to defend its territories against an external invasion from Central Asia, and Iran. At the same time the Iranian rulers, who had lost their northern provinces to the Russians, pursued a policy of expansion towards Baluchistan in order to compensate for the lost areas. However, in 1870, the British Government agreed to demarcate the border with the Khanate of Baluchistan, In 1871, the British Government accepted the Iranian proposal and appointed Maj. General Goldsmid as Chief Commissioner of the joint Perso-Baluch Boundry Commission. Iran was represented by Mirza Ibrahim, and the Khanate of Baluchistan was represented by Sardar Faqir Muhammad Bizenjo, the Governor of Makran.



The Baluch delegate submitted a claim for Western Baluchistan and Iranians claimed most of Makran including Kohuk. After several months of negotiations, Goldsmid divided Baluchistan into two parts without taking into consideration, history, geography, culture or religion, and ignoring the statements of Baluch chiefs, who regarded themselves as subjects of the Khan. Goldsmid's decision was based on political considerations. He aimed to please Iran in order to keep Iran away from Russia.

Origion of Baloch People

Unlike the universally agreed and long-established historical facts about the characteristics of the Baloch, the actual origin of the Baloch remains a matter of debate. Where did the Baloch come from? , or they did not! Research scholars have different opinions and theories about the origin of the Baloch. Lets outline the three serious existing theories about the origin of the Baloch:




baloch originbaloch originbaloch origin The Baloch came from the Caspian Sea region: Some say they belong to the northern regions of Elburz and east of Caspian Sea, now inhabited by Ashkanis, originally Aryans. They believe that the Baloch and the Kurds are of Aryan origin and the true Iranian. Although scholars such as Sir Richard Burton and Professor Keane were of the same opinion, this theory is more acceptable to the Persian for some reasons. They refer to the Balochi language as a very strong evidence for their claim. Moreover, people of Baloch origin who speak Baloch still live in Turkamenstan and around that area. The opponents of this theory believe that those Baloch have migrated from Balochistan more recently than it could be attributed to the migration of Baloch. They claim that the first Baloch migration from the Caspian See region, most probably around 1200 B.C., must have been motivated by this general historical phenomenon. They first settled in northern Persia. They cling to the authority of Persian poet, Firdousi (935-1020 A.D.) and also strong historical evidences that the Baloch were a political and military force during the times of Cyrus and Combyses. However, the Baloch movement from Kirman and Seisran to Makoran and then Eastern Balochistan was not the only result of the lack of sufficient productive forces to meet their demands, or insufficient grazing fields for their flocks, because the area they migrated to was no better in natural resources than the area in which they had been settled for centuries. The main reason was their conflict with rulers and their own internal enmity which resulted in a weakening of their political position. yet another factor most probably was the Mongolian invasion of Central Asia and the subsequent political anarchy in the whole region.



2- The Baloch are the indigenous people of Balochistan : Some researchers hold the opinion that the Baloch are the original cave-dewellers and hunters of Balochistan who created the first civilisation of the World aound Mehergarh. They regard the Baloch as the remnants of indigenous population of the area. They refer to the fact that the Baloch are neither related to the Persian nor to the Punjabis or Pathans, while at the same time they have racial and linguistic affinity to both sides. These theory is supported by Baloch Nationalists for obvious reasons.



3- The Baloch came from Halab (Allepe) : 3-Some historians maintain that they came from Halab, Allepe, and are Semites. It is also believed that they from the old stock of Sumerians of Mesopotamia. The historians, however, mostly concern themselves in tracing the Baloch racical origin either from among the Indo-Europeans or the Semites. Neither should one object on these methods for historical research, nor doubt the fact that there had been an admixture of various people with Baloch like the Scythians, Pathians, Ashkanis, Sakas, Kushans, Huns, Turks and many others; nor contest the proposition that Baloch, culturally, were greatly influenced by Tigris-Euphrates civilization at different stages of history. Subscribers to this school of thought believe that the Baloch and Kurds were two large tribes of common origin. For whatever reasons, the Kurds decided to move towards the East by hundereds of kilometers only, while the Baloch moved thousands of kilometers eastward. This theory might prove the most accurate. Apart from historical evidence and academic debates, there are certain sceintific markers which makes this theory more plausible than the other two. These sceintific markers are the prevelance of certain genetic diseases such as Glucose 6 Phosphate Dehydrogenase Deficiency ( Favism) and Thalaseamia. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO) The Baloch have the same occurance rate as the Kurds, Iraqis, original Syrians and the Khuzestanis of Iran. The occurance rate of the Baloch is very different from Punjabis, Sindis and Pathans. Surely science can shed some lights where history fails to illuminate.



4- The Baloch are of Arab origin For obvious reasons, the religious leaders of Balochistan have done their bit to prove that the Baloch are from the Hamzeh family. To sustain this theory, nor more evidence has been introduced than a couple of poems and a holy wishful thinking (praying).



The Origin of word "Baloch"



"The origin of the word 'Baloch' is still unknown. E. Herzefeld believes that it is derived from brza-vaciya, which came from brza-vak, a Median word meaning a loud cry, in contrast to namravak, quiet, polite way of talking. Some writers maintain that the Baloch owe their name to Babyloian King 'Belus', also the name of their God. It is also believed that the word is anick-name meaning a `cock's comg`. As the Baloch forces who fought against Astyages (585-550 B.C.) wore distinctive helmets decorated with a cock's comb, the name `Baloch' is said to have been derived from the token of cock. Some writers believe that etymologically it is made of two Sankrit words, `Bal` and `Och`. `Bal` means strength or power, and `Och`, high or magnificent. The word `Baloch' therefore, means very powerful and magnificent. Yet another erroneous version is that Baloch mean `nomad` or `wanderer`. This has been presumed perhaps due to the innocent use of the word for nomadic people, and may be because of the fact that the term may be used by indigenous settlers for the Baloch nomads.



From the evidences available, it is establiched that by the beginning of the Christian era, the Baloch were one of the major people inhabiting Iranian Balochistan, Seistan and Kirman. Their migration further east into Makkuran must also be the result of Anushervan's (531-578 A.D.) attack on them. But according to some Iegends, it was at a later stage and was the result of a quarrel between the Kirman ruler and the Baloch Chief who was the successor to the most powerful leader, Ismael Romi. The former demanded forty-four girls, one from each Baloch tribe, for his harem. The Baloch dressed up boys in girls' disguise and, fearing the wrath of the ruler, migrated from Kirman and took refuge in Makkuran (Makoran)

History of Balochistan

History of Balochs and Balochistan




THE LAND AND PEOPLE OF BALOCHISTAN


In spite of the intrinsic hostility of its landscape and climate, archaeological discoveries have confirmed that Balochistan was already inhabited in the Stone Age, and the important Neolithic site at Mehrgarh is the earliest (7000-3000 B.C.) on the subcontinent. Until its overthrow by Alexander the Great, Balochistan was part of the Persian Empire, whose records refer to it as "Maka".

In 325 B.C. Alexander led part of his army back from his Indus campaign to Babylon across the Makran Desert at the cost of terrible suffering and high casualties. Thereafter Balochistan lay for centuries on the shadowy borderlands of the Zoroastrian rulers of Iran and the local Buddhist and Hindu dynasties of northwestern subcontinent.


Islam was brought to Balochistan in 711 when Muhammad bin Qasim led the army which was to conquer Sind across the Makran route, but the area was always too remote for firm control to be exerted by any of the later local dynasties. It accordingly receives only very passing mention in the court histories of the time. The connections of the inland areas were variously with Iran, Afghanistan and India, those of coastal Makran rather across the Arabian Sea with Oman and the Gulf.



The name "Balochistan" only came into existence later with the arrival from Iran of the tribes called Baloch (usually pronounced "Baloch" in Pakistan). Just how and when they arrived remains a matter of hot debate, since the traditional legends of their Middle Eastern origins, supposed to have been in the Aleppo region of Syria have been further confused by cranky theories either that like the Pathans they may descend from the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, or that they originated from Babylon, since "Baloch" is phonetically similar to the names of the god Baal or the Babylonian ruler Belos.



Better evidence is suggested by the Balochi language which belongs to the same Iranian group of Indo-European as Persian and Kurdish. This suggests that the Baloch originated from the area of the Caspian Sea, making their way gradually across Iran to reach their present homeland in around A.D. 1000, when they are mentioned with the equally warlike Kuch tribes in Firdausi's great Persian epic, the Book of Kings:



Heroic Balochs and Kuches we saw, Like battling rams all determined on war.

Warlike the history of the Baloch has certainly always been. As the last to arrive of the major ethnic groups of Pakistan they were faced with the need to displace the peoples already settled in Balochistan. Some they more or less successfully subjugated or assimilated, like the Meds of Makran and other now subordinate groups. From others they faced a greater challenge, notably from the Brahui tribes occupying the hills around Kalat.



The origins of the Brahuis are even more puzzling than those of the Baloch, for their language is not Indo-European at all, but belongs to the same Dravidian family as Tamil and the other languages of south India spoken over a thousand miles away. One theory has it that the Brahuis are the last northern survivors of a Dravidian-speaking population which perhaps created the Indus Valley civilization, but it seems more likely that they too arrived as the result of a long tribal migration, at some earlier date from peninsular India.



As they moved eastwards, the Baloch were initially successful in overcoming the Brahuis. Under Mir Chakar, who established his capital at Sibi in 1487, a great Baloch kingdom briefly came into existence before being destroyed by civil war between Mir Chakar's Rind tribe and the rival Lasharis, whose battles are still celebrated in heroic ballads. Although the Baloch moved forward into Panjab and Sind, the authority of the Moghuls stopped them establishing permanent kingdoms there, although the names of Dera Ghazi Khan in Panjab and Dera Ismail Khan in NWFP are still reminders of the Baloch chiefs who conquered these lands in the 16th century. The Baloch who settled in the plains gradually became largely detribalized, forgetting their native language and increasingly assimilated to the local population, with their tribal origins remaining little more than a proud memory.



In Balochistan itself, which came only briefly under the authority of the Moghuls, the tables were turned on the Baloch by the Brahuis who succeeded in re-establishing their power in Kalat. Throughout the 18th century, the Khans of Kalat were the dominant local power, with the Baloch tribes settled to the west and to the east of them being forced to acknowledge their suzerainty.



The greatest of the Khans was Mir Nasir Khan (1749-1817), whose military success owed much to the regular organization of his army, with its separate divisions recruited from the Sarawan and Jhalawan areas which constitute the northern and southern parts of the Brahui homeland. The Khanate of Kalat became the nearest thing there has ever been to an independent Balochistan. This extended beyond the modern boundaries, since Mir Nasir Khan's authority ran as far as the then insignificant town of Karachi. Although dominated by the Brahuis, they themselves became increasingly "Balochified". Today, for instance, the Brahui language only keeps the first three of its old Dravidian numbers. From "four" upwards Brahuis count in Balochi, in which most are anyway bilingual.



With the British expansion into northwestern subcontinent and their disastrous first Afghan war (1839-1841), internal power struggles within Kalat prompted the first British military interference, and the signing of a treaty in 1841. The British annexation of Sind in 1843 from the Talpur Mirs, themselves a dynasty of Baloch descent, and the subsequent annexation of Panjab meant that Kalat and the other regions of Baluchistan were now part of the sensitive western borderlands of British India, where the possibility of Russian interference induced a permanent state of imperial neurosis. Although the eastern Baloch tribes were partially pacified by the efforts of Sir Robert Sandeman, it was thought easiest to leave the Khan and his subordinate chiefs in control of most of the rest of Balochistan.



A further treaty was signed in 1876, which forced the Khan to 'lease" the strategic Quetta region to the British but left him in control of the rest of his territories with the aid of a British minister. Granted the rank of a 19-gun salute to mark the size if not the wealth of Kalat, the Khans were for a while content to pursue the eccentric Lifestyle characteristic of so many south Asian princes of the time. One Khan became legendary as a passionate collector of shoes, and made sure no pair would ever be stolen by locking up all the left shoes in a dungeon below the Fort at Kalat.



With the last ruler of Kalat, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan (1902-79), the Khanate again briefly entered the political arena. Exploiting the opaque clauses of the 1876 treaty, which left some doubt as to just how independent Kalat was supposed to be, he hesitated to join Pakistan in 1947. The brief independence of Kalat finally ended in 1948 when the Khan signed the necessary merger documents, followed by his formal removal from power and the abolition of the state's boundaries in 1955. The present shape of Balochistan was finally rounded out in 1958 when the Sultan of Oman sold Gwadar, given to one of his ancestors by the Khan of Kalat, back to Pakistan.

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